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Hans J. KLIMKEIT<\/strong><\/span> \u00d6ZET<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Bu makalede, T\u00fcrk Orta Asyas\u0131na yay\u0131larak T\u00fcrk kitleleri taraf\u0131ndan benimsenmi\u015f bir inan\u00e7 sistemi olan Budizm ele al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f ve bu inan\u00e7 sisteminin tarih\u00ee s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde, T\u00fcrk dili ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc \u00fczerinde olu\u015fturdu\u011fu etkiler \u00e7e\u015fitli y\u00f6nleriyle ortaya konulmu\u015ftur. T\u00fcrk Budist edebiyat\u0131n\u0131n nitelikleri ve ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi geli\u015fim s\u00fcreci belirtilerek Budizm\u2019in \u0130slamiyet \u00f6ncesi T\u00fcrk edebiyat\u0131ndaki yeri a\u00e7\u0131klanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n ANAHTAR KEL\u0130MELER<\/strong><\/span> Altay b\u00f6lgesinden \u0130\u00e7 Asya\u2019ya do\u011fru y\u00f6nelen T\u00fcrkler, 6. asr\u0131n ortalar\u0131nda Orta Asya steplerindeki varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 kuvvetle hissettirmeye ba\u015flad\u0131lar.1 Dinleri g\u00f6k, toprak ve atalara sayg\u0131 gibi k\u00fcltlerden olu\u015fan bir dindi.2 Kuzeydo\u011fu Kuvvetli ihtimale g\u00f6re, ilk devletin bat\u0131 kesimindeki T\u00fcrkler, Budizm ile daha \u00f6nce tan\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu din, o devirlerde bat\u0131 T\u00fcrklerinin hakim oldu\u011fu b\u00f6lgelerde, kitlelere yay\u0131lmak i\u00e7in gereken yollar\u0131 \u00e7oktan tesis etmi\u015fti. Mutlak bir kan\u0131t elimizde olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, o devirde ya\u015fayan bat\u0131 T\u00fcrklerinin Budizm\u2019i kabul ettiklerini g\u00f6steren bir kesinlik s\u00f6z konusu de\u011fildir. Ancak, bat\u0131 T\u00fcrkleriyle meskun Kapisa (Begram) b\u00f6lgesinde, T\u00fcrk ka\u011fanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nca kurulmu\u015f bir tak\u0131m Budist tap\u0131naklar oldu\u011funu \u00f6\u011freniyoruz.4 \u00c7inli rahip Wu-k\u2019ung, 759 ve 764 y\u0131llar\u0131nda ziyaret etti\u011fi Gandhara\u2019da, T\u00fcrk ka\u011fanlar\u0131nca in\u015fa ettirildi\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc Budist ibadethaneler ke\u015ffetmi\u015ftir.5 629\u2019da, b\u00fct\u00fcn Orta Asya\u2019y\u0131 gezen Hs\u00fcan Tsang, Budizm\u2019in o y\u0131llarda T\u00fcrkler aras\u0131nda yay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin hi\u00e7bir \u015fey zikretmemi\u015f, aksine T\u00fcrk ka\u011fanlar\u0131n\u0131n kendi inan\u00e7lar\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 olduklar\u0131n\u0131 belirtmi\u015ftir. A. von Gabain\u2019e g\u00f6re Hs\u00fcan Tsang\u2019\u0131n \u00f6ncelikli emeli \u00c7inli ve Hintli Budistlerle tan\u0131\u015fmakt\u0131.6 Bununla beraber, onun di\u011fer etnik gruplara ba\u011fl\u0131 Budistlerle de temas kurmu\u015f oldu\u011funu biliyoruz.<\/p>\n T\u00fcrk Ka\u011fanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ve \u00f6zellikle onun bat\u0131 kesimine d\u00f6nersek, hakikaten de bu kesimin bat\u0131daki ve g\u00fcneydeki toprak s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n tam olarak nerelere uzand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bilmiyoruz. Dikkat \u00e7eken nokta \u015fu ki, Ceyhun nehri, Sasaniler ile Bat\u0131 Do\u011fu T\u00fcrk Devleti\u2019nde \u00c7in Budizmi ile temas kuruldu\u011fu g\u00f6zlenir. \u00c7in kaynaklar\u0131nda, Bat\u0131 Wei Hanedan\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015f kumandan\u0131 ve Kuzey Chou y\u00f6netiminin (556-581) kurucusu Y\u00fc-wen T\u2019ai\u2019nin, Ch\u2019ang-an ve ba\u015fka yerlerde muhtelif say\u0131da ibadethane ve manast\u0131r in\u015fa ettirdi\u011fi ve bu yap\u0131lar\u0131n, hem \u00c7inlilerin hem de T\u00fcrklerin ortak kullan\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 zikredilmi\u015f, ayr\u0131ca onun \u201cT\u00fcrklerin b\u00fcy\u00fck ka\u011fan\u0131, Mu-han (553- 572)\u201d i\u00e7in \u201cT\u00fcrk \u0130badethanesi\u201d in\u015fa ettirti\u011fi8 ve Y\u00fc-wen T\u2019ai\u2019nin ikinci halefi, Mingti (556-560)\u2019nin bu ibadethanenin kurulu\u015funu anma vesilesiyle bir yaz\u0131t diktirdi\u011fi belirtilmi\u015ftir. Bu yaz\u0131tta, \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck T\u00fcrk \u0130-ni Wen Mu-han, yaz mevsiminde kurulu\u015fu bitirmek i\u00e7in d\u00f6nd\u00fc, bu ibadethanenin yap\u0131lmas\u0131 tamamen kutsal bir i\u015ftir.\u201d9 denilerek, Mu-han ka\u011fan\u0131n askeri vas\u0131flar\u0131 Mu-han Ka\u011fan\u2019\u0131n halefi, gen\u00e7 karde\u015fi Tapar Ka\u011fan (T\u2019o-po [572-581]) Budizm\u2019e daha a\u00e7\u0131k bir yap\u0131dayd\u0131. Ger\u00e7ekten Budizm\u2019i benimsedi\u011fini bilmesek de muhtemelen, onun bu dine tamamen teslim olmaks\u0131z\u0131n bir ilgi g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi bellidir. Hakim oldu\u011fu topraklar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde bir Budist tap\u0131na\u011f\u0131 in\u015fa ettirmi\u015f ve T\u2019silerden (Bir \u00c7in Hanedan\u0131) Budizm\u2019i anlatan kitaplar istemi\u015f ve kendisi i\u00e7in \u201cNirvanasutra\u201d adl\u0131 eseri T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye \u00e7evirtmi\u015ftir.10 Bu \u00e7eviri, Shi-Ts\u2019ing ad\u0131nda y\u00fcksek r\u00fctbeli resmi bir g\u00f6revli taraf\u0131ndan yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu eser, T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye \u00e7evrilen ilk Budist metindir. Budizm ile alakal\u0131 bir metnin T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye \u00e7evrilmesinde hayli g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcklerle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 kesindi; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrk\u00e7ede, kar\u0131\u015f\u0131k ve zor Budist terminolojisini ifade edecek kelimeler, anlam kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 bulunmuyordu. Ayr\u0131ca akla gelen ba\u015fka bir soru, bu metnin hangi alfabeyle yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131yd\u0131. Bu yaz\u0131, Orhun yaz\u0131tlar\u0131ndaki Runik yaz\u0131 m\u0131 yoksa, daha muhtemel olarak, So\u011fd yaz\u0131s\u0131 m\u0131yd\u0131 bilinmemektedir.11<\/p>\n Budizm\u2019in, ilk devletin do\u011fu kesiminde ya\u015fayan T\u00fcrkler \u00fczerindeki etkisini daha iyi anlamam\u0131z\u0131 sa\u011flayacak kan\u0131tlardan biri de beraberindeki yolda\u015f\u0131 ke\u015fi\u015flerle beraber Kapisa\u2019dan (Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Afganistan\u2019daki Begram \u015fehri) gelen ve eve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f yolu \u00fczerindeki Ch\u2019ang-an\u2019da bir s\u00fcre kalarak T\u00fcrklerle meskun b\u00f6lgelerden ge\u00e7en ke\u015fi\u015f Jinagupta\u2019d\u0131r. Bu ke\u015fi\u015f, Tapar Ka\u011fan zaman\u0131nda T\u00fcrk saray\u0131na davet edilmi\u015f ve muhtemelen orada Tapar Ka\u011fan\u2019a \u201cdharma\u201dy\u0131 \u00f6\u011fretmi\u015ftir. Hindistan\u2019dan gelen \u00c7inli ke\u015fi\u015fler, 260 tane Budist yazmayla gelmi\u015fler; ancak \u00c7indeki Ts\u2019i hanedan\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 karga\u015fadan dolay\u0131 \u00fclkelerine gitmeyi reddetmi\u015fler ve Jinagupta ile beraber kalarak bu 260 yazma \u00fczerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131p bu eserleri \u00c7inceye \u00e7evirmi\u015flerdi.12 Bu ke\u015fi\u015flerin T\u00fcrk saray\u0131n\u0131 etkileyip etkilemedi\u011fi \u00fczerinde bilgimiz yoktur.<\/p>\n \u0130lk T\u00fcrk devletinin sona ermesiyle devletin do\u011fu kanad\u0131na hakim olan T\u00fcrklerin \u00c7in egemenli\u011fine girmesi neticesinde, \u00c7inliler yakla\u015f\u0131k otuz y\u0131l (650-682) Orta Asya\u2019ya h\u00fckmettiler. Bu otuz y\u0131ll\u0131k s\u00fcreden sonra T\u00fcrkler, tekrar toparlanarak \u0130lteri\u015f Ka\u011fan (ilteri\u015f = derleyen, toparlayan ki\u015fi) \u00f6nderli\u011finde ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ilan ettiler. \u00c7in kaynaklar\u0131na g\u00f6re \u0130lteri\u015f Ka\u011fan \u201cKutlug = ku-to-lo\u201d nam\u0131na sahipti. Bu ka\u011fan, ikinci Do\u011fu T\u00fcrk Devleti\u2019ni kurdu. B\u00f6ylece K\u00f6kT\u00fcrk Ka\u011fanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 (ya da \u201cMavi T\u00fcrkler\u201d veya \u201cG\u00f6\u011fe ait, ilahi T\u00fcrkler\u201d) kurulmu\u015f oldu.13 Bu devlet g\u00f6\u00e7ebe bir devletti. \u00c7in k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcnden etkilenen T\u00fcrkler; \u015fehirler, kasabalar kuruyorlard\u0131. 680\u2019den itibaren, bu yeni devletle beraber, eski g\u00f6\u00e7ebe hayat tarz\u0131 yeniden hakim olmaya ba\u015flad\u0131 ve ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00c7in d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ba\u015f g\u00f6stererek milli bir uyanma hareketi i\u00e7ine girildi. Orhun abidelerinden anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re, K\u00f6ltigin yaz\u0131t\u0131nda bir ikaz mahiyetinde olarak, T\u00fcrkler kendi eski hayat tarzlar\u0131na d\u00f6nmeye ve bug\u00fcnk\u00fc Mo\u011folistan s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde oldu\u011fu san\u0131lan \u00d6t\u00fcken ad\u0131yla bilinen da\u011flara (ormana) d\u00f6nmeye te\u015fvik ediliyordu.14 Bu ikaz, \u00c7in Budizmi\u2019ne yana\u015fmamay\u0131 ve T\u00fcrklerin \u00f6z dini olan K\u00f6kTengricili\u011fe (G\u00f6\u011f\u00fc ilahi tutan ve toprak ana \u2018Umay\u2019\u0131 kutsayan din) d\u00f6nmeyi de ima ediyordu diyebiliriz. Her ne kadar daha \u00f6nceden Budizm\u2019e a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m g\u00f6sterilse de 692 ile 735 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f K\u00f6kt\u00fcrk yaz\u0131tlar\u0131nda Budizm\u2019in hi\u00e7bir izi yoktur. Ancak bu devirde So\u011fd Budistleri ile temasa ge\u00e7ilece\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir.<\/p>\n 745 y\u0131l\u0131 civar\u0131nda, K\u00f6kt\u00fcrk imparatorlu\u011fu Uygur T\u00fcrklerinin isyan\u0131 sonucu y\u0131k\u0131lacak ve ard\u0131ndan Uygurlar, steplerin yeni bakimi olacaklard\u0131.15<\/p>\n Uygur devleti, K\u00f6l Bilge Ka\u011fan taraf\u0131ndan kuruldu (744-747) ve bu hakimiyet 840 y\u0131l\u0131na kadar s\u00fcrd\u00fc. K\u0131rg\u0131zlara yenilen Uygurlar, bu yenilginin ard\u0131ndan hakimi olduklar\u0131 topraklar\u0131 terk ederek iki koldan g\u00f6\u00e7e mecbur kald\u0131lar. Birinci kol Kansu koridoruna, ikinci kol 850\u2019den 1250\u2019li y\u0131llara kadar hakim olacaklar\u0131 Turfan Havzas\u0131ndaki \u00e7\u00f6l \u015fehirlerine y\u00f6neldi. Budist T\u00fcrk edebiyat\u0131ndan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze ula\u015fan edebi mahsuller, en fazla Turfan b\u00f6lgesinden Hami, Tun-huang ve Sar\u0131 T\u00fcrklerin (Sar\u0131 Uygurlar) yerle\u015fti\u011fi Kansu koridoru b\u00f6lgelerindendir. Her ne kadar 762 y\u0131l\u0131nda, B\u00f6g\u00fc Ka\u011fan (Mo-gu) \u00c7in\u2019den gelen Maniheist rahiplerle temasa ge\u00e7mi\u015f ve bu dini benimseyerek resmi din haline getirmi\u015f olsa da Budist edebi metinlerin baz\u0131s\u0131 Uygur Ka\u011fanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemine kadar gitmektedir.16 Elimizdeki bilgiler neticesinde, Budizm\u2019in o devirde, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn Mo\u011fol steplerinde ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f T\u00fcrkler aras\u0131nda, ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en b\u00f6lgelere g\u00f6\u00e7lerinden evvel, yayg\u0131n oldu\u011fu sonucuna varabiliyoruz. \u0130lkin \u00fc\u00e7 dilli \u00c7ince, Uygurca ve So\u011fdca yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f Karabalgasun yaz\u0131t\u0131nda, Uygurlar\u0131n Maniheizm\u2019i kabul etti\u011fi ve oymal\u0131 boyanm\u0131\u015f resimlerle iblis fig\u00fcrleri tasvir So\u011fd Budizmi\u2019nin \u00f6nemli etkisini g\u00f6stermesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan Bugut yaz\u0131t\u0131 \u00f6nemli kan\u0131tt\u0131r.19 \u0130lk T\u00fcrk devleti zaman\u0131ndan kalan bu yaz\u0131t, 580\u2019li y\u0131llarda yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu ta\u015f yaz\u0131t \u00fczerinde, S. G. Klyashtorny ve V. A. Livsi\u00e7 ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar yapm\u0131\u015f ve bu ara\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 1972\u2019de yay\u0131nlam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bu yaz\u0131t\u0131n \u00fc\u00e7 y\u00fcz\u00fc So\u011fdca olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n bir y\u00fcz\u00fc Brahmi harfleriyle yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 belirlenen Sanskrit\u00e7e bir metindir. Ne yaz\u0131k ki bu metin fena halde tahribata u\u011frad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclememi\u015ftir. Ama Budizm konulu bir metin oldu\u011fu kesindir. So\u011fdca yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f kesimlerde tembih i\u00e7eren \u015f\u00f6yle bir ifade vard\u0131r: \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck yeni bir Samgha kur!\u201d20. Bu ibareden kimin konu\u015ftu\u011fu ve kimin adres g\u00f6sterildi\u011fi anla\u015f\u0131lmasa da yaz\u0131ttaki bu ibarenin Tapar Ka\u011fan\u2019\u0131n bizzat verdi\u011fi bir emir olma ihtimali vard\u0131r. Bu metinden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lacak sonu\u00e7, Budizm\u2019in yay\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n te\u015fvik edildi\u011fidir. Bu yaz\u0131t So\u011fdlar\u0131n Budist inanc\u0131n\u0131 Mo\u011fol steplerinde yaymak i\u00e7in \u00fcstlendikleri \u00f6nemli rol\u00fc g\u00f6stermesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan da \u00f6nemlidir. Bilindi\u011fi \u00fczere So\u011fdlar, \u0130pek So\u011fdlar\u0131n Mo\u011fol steplerindeki T\u00fcrk ka\u011fan\u0131n\u0131n saray\u0131na olan politik etkileri, Pulleyblank taraf\u0131ndan ayd\u0131nlat\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. O\u2019na g\u00f6re bu kavmin etkisi b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00f6\u00e7ebe milletlerin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6lgelere kadar bir yay\u0131lma g\u00f6stermekteydi.25 T\u00fcrklerin aras\u0131nda bulunan So\u011fdlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan \u00c7in, fena halde rahats\u0131zl\u0131k duymaktayd\u0131. 7. as\u0131rdan kalan bir \u00c7ince metinde \u015f\u00f6yle denilmektedir:<\/p>\n \u201cT\u2019u-k\u00fceler (T\u00fcrkler) basit ve kand\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 kolay yap\u0131da insanlard\u0131r. Onlar\u0131 y\u00f6netmek ve birbirlerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmek olduk\u00e7a basittir. Ancak ne yaz\u0131k ki pek \u00e7ok \u015feytan zihniyetli kurnaz \u2018hu\u2019 onlar\u0131n aras\u0131nda ya\u015famakta ve onlar\u0131 i\u00e7ten i\u00e7e y\u00f6neterek onlara rehberlik etmektedir.\u201d26<\/p>\n So\u011fdlar\u0131n T\u00fcrkler aras\u0131ndaki etkisi pek \u00e7ok hususta kendini g\u00f6stermekle beraber, din bak\u0131m\u0131ndan T\u00fcrklere kuvvetli etkileri olmu\u015ftur. Ayr\u0131ca burada \u015fu da vurgulanmal\u0131d\u0131r ki, So\u011fdlar din olarak sadece Budizm\u2019in de\u011fil, Maniheizm\u2019in ve hatta H\u0131ristiyanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n da propagandas\u0131n\u0131 yapm\u0131\u015f olmal\u0131d\u0131rlar. Bu milletin T\u00fcrkler \u00fczerindeki dinsel etkilerini g\u00f6stermesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, bir Uygur beyinin (Uygur Ka\u011fanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kurulmadan evvel) kendine Budist bir isim vermesine \u201cP\u2019u-sa (Bodhisattva) (661\/3?)\u201d sebep olacak derecede tesiri bulunmu\u015fsa da bu durumun b\u00fct\u00fcn esaslar\u0131n\u0131 bilemiyoruz?27<\/p>\n So\u011fdlar\u0131n T\u00fcrkler \u00fczerindeki k\u00fclt\u00fcrel etkilerini g\u00f6stermesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan T\u00fcrk\u00e7ede So\u011fd dili k\u00f6kenli olduk\u00e7a fazla miktarda kelime vard\u0131r. \u00c7\u0131kar\u0131lan sonu\u00e7 \u015fudur ki, So\u011fdlar\u0131n T\u00fcrkler \u00fczerinde dinsel etkilerinin yan\u0131nda sek\u00fcler d\u00fcnyaya ait k\u00fclt\u00fcrel etkileri de vard\u0131.28 J. P. Laut\u2019un da belirtti\u011fi gibi, Turfan\u2019da bulunan T\u00fcrk edebiyat\u0131n\u0131n en eski yazmalar\u0131nda a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 derecede So\u011fdca \u00f6d\u00fcn\u00e7 kelime vard\u0131r. Bu Budist metinler daha yak\u0131ndan incelendi\u011finde, bu metinlerin sadece linguistik a\u00e7\u0131dan arkakik \u00f6zellikler g\u00f6sterdi\u011fine \u015fahit olunmaz ayn\u0131 zamanda Laut\u2019un dedi\u011fi gibi bu yaz\u0131lar \u201cKlasik \u00f6ncesi T\u00fcrk\u00e7e\u201d ile yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olma<\/p>\n hususiyeti arz eder. Bu yaz\u0131lar\u0131n Mani metinlerinin yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 n – diyalektine yak\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpar.29 Bu metinlerin baz\u0131s\u0131 bizi daha eskiye, Uygur Ka\u011fanl\u0131\u011f\u0131(745-840) d\u00f6nemine kadar g\u00f6t\u00fcrebilir. Dikkat \u00e7ekici olarak, bu Budist metinlerde i\u00e7erik olarak Maniheizm tesiri g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpar.30 Erken devir T\u00fcrk Budist metinlerinde Maniheizm\u2019e ait \u00fcslup yap\u0131s\u0131 ve betimleme gelene\u011fi g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpmaktad\u0131r.31 \u00d6rne\u011fin, bu metinlerde zikri ge\u00e7en \u201car\u0131\u0121 nom (temiz akide)\u201d ibaresi Hint Budizmi\u2019nde bulunmayan bir ibaredir. Bu ibarenin Hint Budizmi\u2019ndeki kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201ccaratham brahmac\u0101ryam (temiz yolu y\u00fcr\u00fcmek)\u201dd\u0131r. \u201car\u0131\u0121 nom (temiz akide)\u201d ibaresi orijinalite a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan Maniheizm\u2019e ait bir ifade tarz\u0131d\u0131r.32<\/p>\n Maniheist betimlemelere, \u00f6zellikle Budizm\u2019e ait oldu\u011fu \u015f\u00fcpheli metinlerde de bolca rastlan\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin, \u201cSekiz Y\u00fckmek Yaruk Sutra\u201d adl\u0131 eserde g\u00fcne\u015f ve ay, ordular (saraylar) \u015feklinde betimlenmi\u015ftir.33 Bu betim tarz\u0131 Budist metinler i\u00e7in ola\u011fan d\u0131\u015f\u0131 bir tarzd\u0131r. Manihezimde g\u00fcne\u015f ve ay kavram\u0131n\u0131n saraylar \u015feklinde tasvir edilmesi ve bedeli \u00f6dendikten sonra insan\u0131 kurtaran mutlak tanr\u0131lar\u0131n yerleri olarak a\u00e7\u0131klanmas\u0131 bu kavramlar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn sistemin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 ve bir kesimi olmas\u0131yla alakal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bug\u00fcne kadar yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f T\u00fcrk Budist metinlerinin bir k\u0131sm\u0131 \u00e7ok eski linguistik \u00f6zelliklere34 ve yayg\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fe g\u00f6re, Maniheizm\u2019i an\u0131msatan bir i\u00e7eri\u011fe sahiptir. Bu metinler \u015funlard\u0131r: 3. Buda\u2019n\u0131n hayat hikayesini anlatan baz\u0131 metin par\u00e7alar\u013137 Bu eser, T\u00fcrk Budizmi\u2019nin en \u00f6nemli eserlerinden biridir. Toharcadan Uygurcaya aktar\u0131lan bu eserin kolofonu (eser sonunda eser k\u00fcnyesini bildiren yaz\u0131) eserin orijinal dilinin Hint\u00e7e (Enetkek) oldu\u011funu belirtir. Ancak b\u00f6yle bir eserin Hint\u00e7e orijinali bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi ne Sanskrit\u00e7e ne de bir Prakrit diliyle yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir \u00f6rne\u011fi vard\u0131r. Hatta Tibet\u00e7e ya da \u00c7ince bir terc\u00fcmesi de bulunmamaktad\u0131r. Belli olan \u015fu ki, bu eser Tar\u0131m nehrinin i\u00e7inde akt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Merkez\u00ee Asya\u2019da, Tar\u0131m Havzas\u0131nda yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu eser, \u0130slam \u00f6ncesinde, Kuzey Tar\u0131m Havzas\u0131\u2019nda ya\u015fayan H\u012bnay\u0101na T\u00fcrklerinin \u00f6nemli edebi yarat\u0131lar\u0131ndan biridir.41 Eserin sadece T\u00fcrk\u00e7e olan k\u0131s\u0131mlar\u0131nda, J\u0101kata ve Avad\u0101na tarz\u0131 yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f \u00f6yk\u00fclerle ili\u015fkili olan kesimlerin bulunmas\u0131, \u201cyang\u0131 k\u00fcn (yeni y\u0131l g\u00fcn\u00fc)\u201d i\u00e7in haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f tiyatral bir drama olan bu eserin yazar\u0131 ya da yazarlar\u0131n\u0131n Klasik Budist literat\u00fcr\u00fcne geni\u015f \u00f6l\u00e7ekte vak\u0131f ki\u015filer olduklar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir. Bu eserin eski bir n\u00fcshas\u0131 Turfan civar\u0131ndaki Sangim\u2019de bulunmu\u015f, yaz\u0131m tarihi11. asra ait ba\u015fka bir yazma ise Hami\u2019de bulunmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n Sonu\u00e7 \u015fu ki, pek \u00e7ok Budist T\u00fcrk ke\u015fi\u015fi, Sanskrit Budist edebiyat\u0131na vak\u0131f ki\u015filerdi. Bu edebiyattan T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye pek \u00e7ok eser aktard\u0131lar. Turfan b\u00f6lgesinden, \u0130pek yolunun Tar\u0131m havzas\u0131 havalisine y\u00f6nelen kuzey ve g\u00fcney istikametlerinde bu kategoriden pek \u00e7ok metin bulunmu\u015ftur. Sanskrit\u00e7eden, Pr\u0101krit\u00e7e (P\u0101li dili hari\u00e7), Toharca A (Kuchean) ve \u00c7inceden yap\u0131lan \u00e7ok say\u0131da terc\u00fcme bulunmaktad\u0131r. Budist metinleri, daha erken olmasa bile, \u00f6zellikle 8. ve 9. as\u0131rlarda \u00c7inceden T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye aktar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.42 En \u00f6nde gelen terc\u00fcmanlardan biri de 10. as\u0131rda ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f, Hs\u00fcen-tsang\u2019\u0131n biyografisi de dahil olmak \u00fczere \u00e7ok say\u0131da terc\u00fcme eseri bulunan, \u015eingko \u015eeli Tutung\u2019dur.43 Tibet\u00e7eden T\u00fcrk\u00e7eye yap\u0131lan terc\u00fcmeler de olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, bunlar az say\u0131da, numunelik terc\u00fcmelerdir.44<\/p>\n T\u00fcrk Budizmi\u2019nin ana merkezi olan Turfan Havzas\u0131nda Budizm, daha erken olmasa bile, 4. ve 5. as\u0131rda belirmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f, yayg\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fe g\u00f6re, burada ya\u015fayan \u00c7inlilerce benimsenmi\u015ftir. 469 y\u0131l\u0131nda bu b\u00f6lgede in\u015fa edildi\u011fi bilinen 9. as\u0131rda Turfan b\u00f6lgesine yerle\u015fmeye ba\u015flayan Uygurlar, bu b\u00f6lgede say\u0131lar\u0131 gittik\u00e7e artan kitleler halinde Budizm\u2019i benimsemi\u015fler, eski dinleri Maniheizm\u2019i b\u0131rakmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015flar; ama buna ra\u011fmen baz\u0131 Uygur krallar\u0131 ve maiyetleri Maniheizm\u2019i benimsemeye devam etmi\u015ftir. Bu Uygur krallar\u0131n\u0131n kim oldu\u011funu ne yaz\u0131k ki bilemiyoruz. G\u00f6r\u00fcnen o ki Maniheizm ve Budizm bir ka\u00e7 as\u0131r bu b\u00f6lgede beraber ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f ama Budizm\u2019in say\u0131ca artan bir \u015fekilde \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc devam etmi\u015f,46 Turfan\u2019a hakim Uygur beylerinin \u0130slamiyeti kabulleriyle,15. as\u0131rdan itibaren Budizm\u2019in yerini \u0130slamiyet almaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 10. asr\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda, Ko\u00e7o \u015fehrine gelen Wang yen-te ad\u0131nda \u00c7inli bir temsilci, bu \u015fehirde sadece bir tane Maniheist tap\u0131na\u011f\u0131n kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ama elli kadar Budist manast\u0131r\u0131 ve \u00c7ince Budist metinlerle te\u00e7hiz edilmi\u015f bir k\u00fct\u00fcphane oldu\u011funu belirterek geli\u015fip k\u00f6k salan Budist k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn bu b\u00f6lgedeki derin tesirine i\u015faret etmi\u015ftir.47<\/p>\n Tun-huang\u2019da, duvarlarla \u00e7evrili gizli bir k\u00fct\u00fcphanede, Uygur edebiyat\u0131na ait eserler bulunmas\u0131, bu b\u00f6lgede az\u0131msanmayacak say\u0131da Budist Uygur rahibinin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlar. Turfan Uygurlar\u0131n\u0131n \u0130slamiyet\u2019e y\u00f6nelmesiyle Budizm, sadece Kansu b\u00f6lgesinde ya\u015fayan Sar\u0131 Uygurlar aras\u0131nda kalm\u0131\u015f olmal\u0131d\u0131r. 17. as\u0131rda istinsah edildi\u011fi belirlenen Sar\u0131 Uygurlara ait \u201cAlt\u0131n Yaruk (Suvarnaprabhasasutra)\u201d gibi Budist metinlerin bulunmas\u0131, yaln\u0131zca Kansu b\u00f6lgesinde Budist gelene\u011fin devam etti\u011fini g\u00f6steren delillerden say\u0131l\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca baz\u0131 Uygur metinleri de Etsen-Gol g\u00f6l\u00fc yak\u0131nlar\u0131nda bulunmu\u015ftur.48<\/p>\n T\u00fcrk Budist metinlerinin yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaz\u0131, So\u011fd alfabesinden geli\u015ftirilmi\u015f Uygur yaz\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r. Bazen metinlere, Brahmi harfleriyle yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f notlar\u0131n ya da \u00c7ince karakterlerin eklendi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Uygur yaz\u0131s\u0131 hem yazmalarda hem de basmalarda kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00c7ok az \u00f6rne\u011fi olmakla beraber daha \u00f6nce zikretti\u011fimiz gibi, baz\u0131 Budist ilmihallerinin yaz\u0131m\u0131nda kullan\u0131lmak kayd\u0131yla Tibet yaz\u0131s\u0131ndan da istifade edildi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr.<\/p>\n Budist T\u00fcrk edebiyat\u0131yla ilgili olarak 1980 y\u0131l\u0131nda, W. Scharlipp taraf\u0131ndan bu edebiyat\u0131n genel \u00f6zelliklerini belirten bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.49 O tarihten bu yana ba\u015fka \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n da yay\u0131nland\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr.50 Scharlipp, 10., 13. ve 14. as\u0131rlar\u0131n Budist T\u00fcrk edebiyat\u0131n\u0131n en \u00e7ok beslendi\u011fi devirler oldu\u011funu bildirir. T\u00fcrk Budizmi ile ilgili eserlerin baz\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n n\u00fcshas\u0131n\u0131n bol oldu\u011fu ve l00\u2019den fazla hatta 300\u2019e varan yaprak say\u0131s\u0131na sahip oldu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmektedir.<\/p>\n Budist Uygur edebiyat\u0131yla (Eski T\u00fcrk Budizmi) alakal\u0131 olduk\u00e7a fazla detaya sahip bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma yapmaktan ziyade, bu edebiyat\u0131n genel karakterini ortaya koyan bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma yapmay\u0131 hedefliyoruz:<\/p>\n Budist metinlerle ilgili yap\u0131lan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalarda, Vinaya metinlerinin dikkatten ka\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpmaktad\u0131r. Vinaya metinlerinin Sanskrit\u00e7e yaz\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131 bilinir.51 Abhidharma edebiyat\u0131yla ilgili olarak, evvel\u00e2 Abhidharmakosa adl\u0131 eserin baz\u0131 par\u00e7alar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtelim. Tun-huang\u2019da, \u201cSthiramati\u2019nin Abhidharmakosa Hakk\u0131ndaki Tefsiri\u201dnin \u00c7inceden yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f Uygurca bir terc\u00fcmesi bulundu. Bu eserin \u00c7ince versiyonu art\u0131k mevcut de\u011fildir. Bu eser, 600 kadar hikmetli m\u0131sra ve t\u00fcm detaylar\u0131yla Sarv\u0101stiv\u0101din\u2019in \u00f6\u011fretilerini i\u00e7ermektedir.52<\/p>\n Hinay\u0101na metinlerinin sadece Uygurca yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir versiyonu mevcuttur (Metindeki Toharca par\u00e7alarla beraber). Maitrisimit\u2019in bir H\u012bnay\u0101na metni oldu\u011funu belirtmi\u015ftik. Klasik Mah\u0101y\u0101na sutralar\u0131n\u0131n, daha \u00f6nce bu yaz\u0131da at\u0131fta Prajn\u0101p\u0101ramit\u0101 edebiyat\u0131yla ilgili olarak \u201cElmas-Sutra (VajracchedikaS\u016btra) adl\u0131 eser g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpar. Bu eserin \u00c7ince versiyonundan yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir Uygurca terc\u00fcmesine sahibiz.<\/p>\n \u015eimdiye kadar, 8 farkl\u0131 dilde yazma eser bulunmu\u015ftur. Kumr\u0101jiva\u2019n\u0131n \u00c7inceye \u00e7evrilen Vajracchedika adl\u0131 eserinden 500 y\u0131l sonraki en eski Orta Asya metni MS. 905 y\u0131l\u0131na aittir. Prajn\u0101p\u0101ramit\u0101 edebiyat\u0131na yak\u0131n olan, T\u00fcrk Budistler aras\u0131nda oldu\u011fu kadar \u00c7inli Budistler aras\u0131nda da pop\u00fcler oldu\u011fu muhtemel olan sutra, \u00fcnl\u00fc Vimalak\u012brtinird\u00e9sa S\u016btra adl\u0131 eserdir.57 Bir di\u011feri, Prajn\u0101p\u0101ramit\u0101 edebiyat\u0131yla ili\u015fkili olan doktrinsel bir mahiyete sahip Uygurca yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f N\u0101g\u0101rjuna\u2019nm Mektubu\u2019nun (Suhrllekha [Bir dosta mektup]) g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze ula\u015fan par\u00e7alar\u0131d\u0131r.58<\/p>\n Klasik Mah\u0101y\u0101na metinlerinin aras\u0131nda, Amit\u0101bha k\u00fclt\u00fcyle ili\u015fkili ba\u015fka metinler de vard\u0131r. Bunlar aras\u0131nda, \u201cAbiraki (Amit\u0101bha-S\u016btra)\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir eserden istifade edilerek olu\u015fturulan eserler s\u00f6z konusudur.59 Abitaki, Amit\u0101bha dinselli\u011finin en tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f metinlerinden birinin terc\u00fcmesi olmamas\u0131na ra\u011fmen daha ziyade, eser ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan da anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi \u201cBeyaz Lotus \u00c7i\u00e7e\u011fi Toplulu\u011fu\u201d, \u00c7ince bir eserin terc\u00fcmesiyle ili\u015fkilidir. Uygurca metin, bir tak\u0131m meditasyonel pratikleri anlatmakta ve Amit\u0101bha k\u00fclt\u00fcn\u00fc i\u015fleyen tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f metinlerden al\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 i\u00e7ermektedir.<\/p>\n Budist T\u00fcrk edebiyat\u0131yla alakal\u0131 metinleri olu\u015fturan di\u011fer bir kategori, apokrifayal (dinde sonradan \u00e7\u0131kan olu\u015fumlar\u0131 benimseyerek asl\u0131ndan uzakla\u015fm\u0131\u015f) sutralardan olu\u015fur. Bu kategori i\u00e7inde, daha \u00f6nce de bahsetti\u011fimiz \u201cSekiz Y\u00fckmek Yaruk Sutra\u201d adl\u0131 eser bulunmaktad\u0131r. Bu eserin Hint Budizmi\u2019ne ait versiyonu muhtemelen hi\u00e7 var olmamas\u0131na ra\u011fmen Yogac\u0101ra felsefesiyle ilgili bir ba\u011f\u0131 vard\u0131r. Bu metnin \u00c7in\u2019de yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 san\u0131lmakla birlikte, Mo\u011folca ve Tibet\u00e7e versiyonlar\u0131n\u0131n oldu\u011funu biliyoruz. \u00c7ok say\u0131da metin par\u00e7as\u0131 ve yazma n\u00fcshas\u0131 bulunmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n Londra\u2019da bulunan n\u00fcshas\u0131 en iyi korunmu\u015f olan\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7inceden \u00e7evrilen di\u011fer pek \u00e7ok apokrifayal eseri de \u201cs\u016btra\u201d olarak zikrediyoruz. \u201cs\u016btra\u201d Uygurca versiyonda denildi\u011fi gibi, 10. as\u0131rda \u015eingko \u015eeli Tutung\u2019un da \u00e7evirdi\u011fi \u015fekilde \u201cv\u00fccudu ve zihni g\u00f6rmek, onlar\u0131 idrak etmek (citta)\u201d anlam\u0131ndad\u0131r.60<\/p>\n Di\u011fer bir kategori, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7apl\u0131 ve \u00f6nemli sutralar \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan tefsirlerdir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Suvarnapr\u0101bh\u0101sottama-S\u016btra (Altun Yaruk Sutra) \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan \u00c7inceden \u00e7evrilen bir tefsir metninde, inanc\u0131n 10 katl\u0131 \u00f6nemi anlat\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.61 Bu tefsir metinlerinin \u00e7o\u011fu \u00c7inceden yap\u0131lan terc\u00fcmelerden olu\u015fmaktad\u0131r.62<\/p>\n Bir ba\u015fka kategoriyi, Tantrik metinlerle ilgili olarak Mo\u011fol devrinde (13. ve 14. as\u0131r), Tibet\u00e7eden yap\u0131lan terc\u00fcmeler olu\u015fturur. Elimizde Tantrik rit\u00fcelleriyle ilgili, bir mandala meditasyonunun te\u015fekk\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6rnekleyen metin bulunmaktad\u0131r.63 Bu ba\u011flamdaki b\u00fcy\u00fc metinlerinin muhtelif \u00e7e\u015fitleri bulunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n Kendine has \u00f6zellikleriyle kendi ba\u015f\u0131na bir kategori olu\u015fturan Insadi Sutra64 adl\u0131 eserden bahsedecek olursak, muhtemelen 13. ya da 14. as\u0131rda yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen bu eserin elimizdeki tek n\u00fcshas\u0131 17. ya da 18. as\u0131rda yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu eser, Prav\u0101rana seromonisinin orijinini ve bu seromoninin hususi durumlar\u0131n\u0131 bildirmektedir. Eser, Hindistan\u2019daki ya\u011fmur mevsimini konu alan b\u00f6l\u00fcmle sonlan\u0131r. \u00c7e\u015fitli Mah\u0101y\u0101 metinlerini zikretmesi dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Mah\u0101y\u0101nistik tarza sahip harflerle yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Orijinal dili T\u00fcrk\u00e7e olan bu eserin yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 devirde \u0130slam, Do\u011fu T\u00fcrkistan\u2019a girmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Maitreya\u2019n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 i\u00e7in duyulan \u00fcmidin seslendirildi\u011fi bu eserde, Bat\u0131 Asya dinlerine mahsus Meryem Ana ve Muhammed gibi fig\u00fcrler ele\u015ftirisel bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131yla ele al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n Klasik ve ikincil derecede \u00f6neme sahip baz\u0131 sutralar A. von Gabain\u2019in 1964\u2019te yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir ara\u015ft\u0131rmada a\u00e7\u0131klanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.65 Bu tarihten itibaren, A. von Gabain\u2019in ara\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131ndaki kategorizasyonda ismi ge\u00e7en eserler \u00fczerinde \u00e7e\u015fitli Dikkat \u00e7eken di\u011fer bir kategori, g\u00fcnah itirafnamelerinden olu\u015fur.68 Bu itirafnamelerin en b\u00fcy\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u201cK\u015fanti k\u0131lguluk nom (G\u00fcnah \u0130tiraf edilen Sutra)\u201d adl\u0131 metindir.69 Bu tip metinlerin \u00e7o\u011fu gibi bu eser de \u00c7inceden yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir terc\u00fcmedir. Bu metinde, Bodhisattva olarak davranan bir ki\u015fi, bu metinleri ezberleyerek k\u00f6t\u00fc karmaya sahip olmalar\u0131 sebebiyle \u201csams\u0101ra\u201dda ac\u0131 \u00e7eken ve kendi \u00e7abalar\u0131yla kurtulu\u015fa eremeyecek canl\u0131lar\u0131n kaderi \u00fczerinde etki olu\u015fturmaya, onlar\u0131 kurtarmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Bu metnin ne zaman \u00c7inceden Uygurcaya \u00e7evrildi\u011fini bilmiyoruz. Bu metinden ba\u015fka, g\u00fcnah itiraf\u0131 \u00f6zelli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131yan birka\u00e7 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck metin par\u00e7as\u0131 olmakla beraber, bunlardan baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n Maniheizm\u2019e mahsus g\u00fcnah itiraf metinleri olduklar\u0131 anla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.70 G\u00fcnah itiraf metinlerinin, Hindistan\u2019da bilinmemesi ve elimizdeki metinler gibi, rahip s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan olmayan ki\u015filer i\u00e7in olmalar\u0131, Budizm ve Maniheizm aras\u0131nda ortak bir etkile\u015fim olu\u015ftu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir. Bu tip Uygur metinlerinin karakteristik \u00f6zelli\u011fi formalize Orta Asya\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6l \u015fehirlerinde ya\u015fayan insanlar\u0131n, s\u00fcrekli g\u00f6\u00e7ebe ve yabanc\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerin tehdidi alt\u0131nda, her g\u00fcn bu g\u00fc\u00e7lerden kaynaklanan bir tehlikeyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015facaklar\u0131n\u0131n \u015f\u00fcphesini duymalar\u0131, etraflar\u0131nda geli\u015fen hadiselerin etkeni Budist T\u00fcrk edebiyat\u0131n\u0131n genel \u00f6zellikleri \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z kategorizasyondan da anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, bu edebiyat\u0131n en \u00f6nemli y\u00f6n\u00fc bir terc\u00fcme edebiyat\u0131 olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Terc\u00fcmeler; Hint dillerinden (Sanskrit\u00e7e, Pr\u0101krit\u00e7e), Bu sorunun cevab\u0131 olumludur. Bu ba\u011flamda iki temel saha zikredilmi\u015ftir. Birincisi, dikkat nazar\u0131na al\u0131nacak derecede mahsul vermi\u015f olan T\u00fcrk\u00e7e \u015fiir edebiyat\u0131d\u0131r.71 Bu edebiyatta klasik i\u00e7eri\u011fe yeni bir form (\u015fekil) tahsis edilmi\u015ftir; Alt\u0131n Yaruk Sutra\u2019n\u0131n V. b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcndeki \u201cG\u00fcnahlar\u0131n Kef\u00e2reti\u201d k\u0131sm\u0131nda m\u0131sralar halinde yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f \u00f6rnekler vard\u0131r.72 Klasik metinlerden m\u00fcstakil olarak ve \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00f6vg\u00fcler i\u00e7eren \u015fiirler de vard\u0131r. Di\u011fer \u015fiirler, dinsel ve sek\u00fcler hayata \u0130kincisi kolofonlard\u0131r. Kolofonlar\u0131n (Eserin yaz\u0131l\u0131\u015f tarihinin, eserin edebi k\u00fcnyesinin, kimin katk\u0131s\u0131yla yazd\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n belirtildi\u011fi bilgiler) m\u0131sra \u015feklinde verildi\u011fi g\u00f6zlemlenir.74 Bu \u00f6zellik, yaln\u0131zca T\u00fcrk Budizmi\u2019ne mahsus edeb\u00ee Budist T\u00fcrk edebiyat\u0131n\u0131n sadece k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir k\u0131sm\u0131 elimizde bulunmaktad\u0131r. Elde bulunan eserlerin fragman boyutunda k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck metinler olmalar\u0131 nedeniyle bizim yapabilece\u011fimiz de\u011ferlendirme dar olacakt\u0131r. Buna kar\u015f\u0131n vard\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z sonu\u00e7lar T\u00fcrk Budist edebiyat\u0131n\u0131 yans\u0131tmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve Orta Asya T\u00fcrklerinin, Budist literat\u00fcr\u00fcn olu\u015fmas\u0131 i\u00e7in g\u00f6sterdikleri katk\u0131y\u0131 belirtmi\u015ftir.76<\/p>\n A\u00e7\u0131klamalar:<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n 1 Orta Asya\u2019da T\u00fcrklerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve tarihi i\u00e7in cf. B. Spuler, \u201cGeschichte Mittelasiens seit dem 4 A. von Gabain, \u201cBuddhistische T\u00fcrkenmission\u201d, Asiatica. Festschrift Friedrich Weller. Zum 65. 10 A. von Gabain, op. cit., p. 164. 13 Cf. B. Spuler, op. cit., pp. 136ff. 17 Cf. G. Schlegel, Die chinesische Inschrift auf dem uigurischen Denkmal in Kara Balgassun. 24 Pulleyblank, op. cit., pp. 318f. 29 J. P. Laut, op. cit., pp. 9f 36 J. R. Hamilton, Le Conte Bouddhique du Bon et da Mauvais Prince en Version Ou\u0121goure, Manuscrits 42 Ad\u0131 yukar\u0131da ge\u00e7en The Nirvana-S\u00fctra, 6. as\u0131rda terc\u00fcme edilmi\u015fti. 48 Cf. J.R. Hamilton, Manuscrits Ou\u0121gours du IXe-Xe si\u00e8cle de Touen-Houang. Vol. I. (Paris, 1986). 52 Cf. Scharlipp, op. cit, p. 43. 57 Scharlipp, op. cit, (n. 49), p. 45. 63 A. von Gabain, op. cit., (n. 49), (19M), pp. 228-230. 70 Cf. H.-J. Klimkeit, \u201cManich\u00e4ische and buddhistische Beichtfomeln aus Turfan. Beobachtungen 73 P. Zieme, op. cit., (n. 50), pp. 106ff. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" Hans J. KLIMKEIT \u00c7eviren: Mehmet T. BERBERCAN \u00d6ZET Bu makalede, T\u00fcrk Orta Asyas\u0131na yay\u0131larak T\u00fcrk kitleleri taraf\u0131ndan benimsenmi\u015f bir inan\u00e7 sistemi olan Budizm ele al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f ve bu inan\u00e7 sisteminin tarih\u00ee s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde, T\u00fcrk dili ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc \u00fczerinde olu\u015fturdu\u011fu etkiler \u00e7e\u015fitli y\u00f6nleriyle ortaya konulmu\u015ftur. T\u00fcrk Budist edebiyat\u0131n\u0131n nitelikleri ve ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi geli\u015fim s\u00fcreci belirtilerek Budizm\u2019in \u0130slamiyet \u00f6ncesi […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[24],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4253","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-turk-dunyasi"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/akademiye.org\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4253","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/akademiye.org\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/akademiye.org\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/akademiye.org\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/akademiye.org\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=4253"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/akademiye.org\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4253\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4256,"href":"https:\/\/akademiye.org\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4253\/revisions\/4256"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/akademiye.org\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=4253"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/akademiye.org\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=4253"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/akademiye.org\/tr\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=4253"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
\n\u00c7eviren: Mehmet T. BERBERCAN<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
\nBudizm, Budist, T\u00fcrkler, T\u00fcrk\u00e7e, Orta Asya<\/p>\n
\n\u00c7in\u2019den Aral G\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcn do\u011fu kesimlerine kadar uzanan geni\u015f bir b\u00f6lgede ilk T\u00fcrk ka\u011fanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kuranlar T\u00fcrk\u00fct T\u00fcrkleridir. Bir s\u00fcre sonra bu ka\u011fanl\u0131k pek \u00e7ok step hanedanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n payla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortak yazg\u0131dan kurtulamayarak do\u011fu ve bat\u0131 olmak \u00fczere ikiye b\u00f6l\u00fcnd\u00fc. Ka\u011fanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kurucusu ve devletin do\u011fu kanad\u0131n\u0131n ilk h\u00fck\u00fcmdar\u0131 olarak Bumin Ka\u011fan (\u00f6lm. 552) kabul edilir. Karde\u015fi \u0130stemi ise devletin bat\u0131 kanad\u0131n\u0131n h\u00fck\u00fcmdar\u0131yd\u0131. Bumin\u2019den evvelki ka\u011fanlar\u0131n adlar\u0131 bilinmesine ra\u011fmen Eski T\u00fcrkler, Bumin ve onun karde\u015fi \u0130stemi\u2019yi T\u00fcrk devletinin kurucu babas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rmekte ve onlar\u0131n y\u00f6netimine tanr\u0131sal bir kutsiyet atfetmekteydiler. K\u00f6ltigin yaz\u0131t\u0131nda zikredildi\u011fi gibi \u201c\u00dcstte mavi g\u00f6k, altta ya\u011f\u0131z yer yarat\u0131l\u0131nca, ikisinin aras\u0131nda insanl\u0131k yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6netmek \u00fczere atalar\u0131m Bumin Ka\u011fan ve \u0130stemi Ka\u011fan ba\u015fa ge\u00e7mi\u015f. Onlar ba\u015fa ge\u00e7erek T\u00fcrk milletinin \u00fclkesini ve t\u00f6resini d\u00fczene sokmu\u015flar.\u201d3 Bu s\u00f6zler, 680 y\u0131l\u0131ndan sonra kurulan ikinci T\u00fcrk imparatorlu\u011funun b\u00fcy\u00fck h\u00fck\u00fcmdarlar\u0131ndan Bilge Ka\u011fan taraf\u0131ndan s\u00f6ylenmi\u015ftir. Bilge Ka\u011fan bu yaz\u0131tta, imparatorlu\u011fun ilk ka\u011fanlar\u0131n\u0131n bilgeli\u011fini ve cesaretini \u00f6vmekte ve onlar\u0131n \u00c7in ve Tibet ile olan ili\u015fkilerinden bahsetmektedir. Bu yaz\u0131tta Budizm ve bu dinin tesiriyle ilgili olarak herhangi bir s\u00f6z ge\u00e7memektedir. Birinci devletin ikiye b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesiyle kurulan iki yeni devletin (Bat\u0131 ve Do\u011fu), bu dinle kurdu\u011fu ba\u011flant\u0131 ve bu dini tan\u0131mas\u0131 farkl\u0131 \u015fekillerde olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n
\nT\u00fcrk Devleti\u2019nin aras\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131r g\u00f6revi \u00fcstlenmi\u015f7 ve bilinenlere g\u00f6re, 6. as\u0131rda Bat\u0131 T\u00fcrk Devleti\u2019nin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7ine girdi\u011fi muhtemel olan Afganistan topraklar\u0131nda sa\u011flam bi\u00e7imde k\u00f6k salm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n
\n\u00f6v\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f, Chou s\u00fcl\u00e2lesine yard\u0131m etti\u011fi belirtilmi\u015ftir ve yaz\u0131t\u0131n en sonunda Y\u00fcwen T\u2019ai\u2019nin \u015fevk ile din yay\u0131c\u0131 misyonerli\u011finden bahsedilmi\u015ftir. Mu-han Ka\u011fan\u2019\u0131n ger\u00e7ekten Budizm\u2019i benimsedi\u011fi \u015f\u00fcphelidir. Bu yaz\u0131t, biraz da \u00c7inlilerin ger\u00e7ekle\u015feni de\u011fil de kendi dileklerini yans\u0131tmak istemeleri sebebiyle yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olabilir. Ama ger\u00e7ek \u015fu ki, 6. As\u0131rda, Ch\u2019ang-an\u2019da T\u00fcrkler i\u00e7in bir Budist tap\u0131na\u011f\u0131 in\u015fa ettirilmi\u015ftir. Bu durum hat\u0131r\u0131 say\u0131l\u0131r say\u0131da bir T\u00fcrk n\u00fcfusunun (A. von Gabain\u2019e g\u00f6re 6000 ki\u015fi) burada ya\u015fam\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor.<\/p>\n
\nedilerek bunlar\u0131n yok edilece\u011fi belirtilmi\u015ftir. \u0130blis fig\u00fcrleri olarak tasvir edilenlerin baz\u0131lar\u0131 Budizm\u2019e ait fig\u00fcrlerdir.17 Jens Peter Laut, \u201cDer fr\u00fche t\u00fcrkische Buddhismus und seine literatischen Denkm\u00e4ler\u201d adl\u0131 eserinde, So\u011fdlar\u0131n Step T\u00fcrkleri aras\u0131nda yapt\u0131klar\u0131 Budizm propagandas\u0131na dikkat \u00e7eker.18<\/p>\n
\nyolu boyunca ticaret ile u\u011fra\u015fan, Semerkand ve \u00c7in aras\u0131nda kervanlar vas\u0131tas\u0131yla ticari hayat\u0131 ellerine ge\u00e7irmi\u015f bir halkt\u0131. Orhun yaz\u0131tlar\u0131na g\u00f6re, Pulleyblank taraf\u0131ndan da ortaya koyuldu\u011fu gibi21, So\u011fdlar\u0131n T\u00fcrkler aras\u0131nda
\nkoloniler kurdu\u011funu biliyoruz.22 Bugut yaz\u0131t\u0131nda g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz So\u011fd yaz\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ilk T\u00fcrk ka\u011fanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 (K\u00f6kt\u00fcrkler) taraf\u0131ndan kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 anla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. So\u011fd yaz\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir \u015feklini kullanm\u0131\u015f olan Uygurlar, bu yaz\u0131yla olu\u015fturulan edebiyat\u0131n en fazla mahsul\u00fcn\u00fc verenlerdir. Kuzey Chou hanedan\u0131na ait y\u0131ll\u0131klarda ge\u00e7en bilgiler de So\u011fd yaz\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ilk T\u00fcrk ka\u011fanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlamaktad\u0131r. Pulleyblank\u2019\u0131n bildirdi\u011fine g\u00f6re, Chou hanedan\u0131na ait y\u0131ll\u0131klarda \u201cT\u2019u-k\u00fce dili, hu barbarlar\u0131n\u0131n yaz\u0131s\u0131na benzemektedir\u201d23 \u015feklinde bir ibare g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpmaktad\u0131r. Burada ge\u00e7en \u201chu\u201d kelimesi o devirlerde \u0130ran\u00ee kavimler i\u00e7in, \u00f6zellikle So\u011fdlar i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lmaktayd\u0131.24<\/p>\n
\n1. \u201cLotus Sutra\u201dn\u0131n en eski n\u00fcshas\u013135
\n2. \u201c\u0130yi ve K\u00f6t\u00fc D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceli Karde\u015f Hik\u00e2yesi (Kalyanamkara ve Papamkara)\u201d gibi baz\u0131 hikayeler36.<\/p>\n
\n4. Tibet Yaz\u0131s\u0131yla yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir Budizm ilmihali38
\n5. \u201cLondon Scroll (Londra Tomar\u0131)\u201d olarak bilinen Budizm\u2019e ait oldu\u011fu
\n\u015f\u00fcpheli Sekiz Y\u00fckmek Yaruk Sutra\u201d39.
\n6. Maitrisimit ad\u0131yla bilinen bir eser olan \u201cMaitreya ile Kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fma\u201d40.<\/p>\n
\nbir \u00c7in Budist tap\u0131na\u011f\u0131na ait yaz\u0131t bu durumu kan\u0131tlar.45 Bu yaz\u0131tta, Maitreya\u2019n\u0131n bir h\u00fck\u00fcmdar olarak selamland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bildirilerek Taoist ve Konf\u00fcsyan konsepte dahil mevzular anlat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\nbulundu\u011fumuz, Lotus Sutra\u2019n\u0131n (Saddhannapundar\u012bka-S\u016btra) bir ka\u00e7 yapra\u011f\u0131 bug\u00fcne ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. En hacimli Budizm metinlerinden Suvarnaprabh\u0101sa-S\u016btra (Altun Yaruk) adl\u0131 eserin Uygurca versiyonu g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze ula\u015fabilmi\u015ftir.53 Bu
\neser, ele ge\u00e7en baz\u0131 varaklarda yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere, 10. as\u0131rda \u015eingko \u015eeli Tutung taraf\u0131ndan muhtemelen I-T\u2019sing\u2019in \u00c7ince versiyonundan \u00e7evrildi.54 17. as\u0131rda istinsah edilen metnin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc Kansu\u2019da bulunmu\u015ftur. Bu eserin giri\u015f b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc yaz\u0131l\u0131rken, Tibet\u00e7e versiyonundan faydalan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Uygurca versiyonda, bu eserin pop\u00fcler bir eser oldu\u011funa ili\u015fkin pek \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131klama yer al\u0131r.55 Bu eserde kolofon ilave (eserin k\u00fcnyesini bildiren yaz\u0131) olmamas\u0131na ra\u011fmen eserin i\u00e7inde kolofon tipi pasajlara rastlan\u0131r. Bu Uygurca versiyonunun en \u00f6nemli \u00f6zelli\u011fi daha ki\u015fisel bir din telakkisinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin \u00c7ince versiyonlarda, \u201cBuda\u201d ya da \u201cBudalar\u201d \u015feklinde kullan\u0131mlar ge\u00e7mesine ra\u011fmen Uygur versiyonunda \u201cBuda baba\u201d ya da \u201cbabam\u0131z Buda, babalar\u0131m\u0131z Budalar\u201d \u015feklinde kullan\u0131mlar g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpar.56<\/p>\n
\n\u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, Budist \u0100gamalar da dahil olmak \u00fczere, baz\u0131 metinlerin ne\u015fredildi\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz.66 Bunlar aras\u0131nda Budizm temal\u0131 hikayeler de g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpmaktad\u0131r.67<\/p>\n
\nolmalar\u0131 (belli bir bi\u00e7ime sahip olmalar\u0131) ve rahipler s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan olmayan insanlar\u0131n ve bu metinlerin yaz\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in ba\u011f\u0131\u015f yapanlar\u0131n adlar\u0131n\u0131n metne sokulmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan soru \u015fudur: Neden T\u00fcrk Budizmi\u2019nde g\u00fcnah itiraf metinleri b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00f6neme sahipti? Bana g\u00f6re bu durum sadece yabanc\u0131 kaynakl\u0131 bir etkilenim de\u011fildir; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc metinlerde belirtilen g\u00fcnahk\u00e2r olma d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi daha ziyade tarihsel ve do\u011fa kaynakl\u0131 haric\u00ee g\u00fc\u00e7lerin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda duyulan \u00e7aresizlik hissine ayna tutmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\nde\u011fil de edilgeni olma hissini duymalar\u0131na sebep olmu\u015ftur. Bu durum kendini dinsel olarak \u201cg\u00fcnahk\u00e2rl\u0131k\u201d a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan a\u00e7\u0131klar.<\/p>\n
\nToharcadan ve \u00e7ok\u00e7a da \u00c7inceden yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Mo\u011fol devrinde, Tibet\u00e7eden de Uygurcaya terc\u00fcmeler yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6zlenir. Insadi Sutra ve bu eser gibi itirafname tarz\u0131nda yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir dizi eser i\u00e7 kaynakl\u0131 T\u00fcrk\u00e7e eserler midir? Akla gelen soru \u015fudur: Orijinal dili T\u00fcrk\u00e7e olan metinler var m\u0131d\u0131r?<\/p>\n
\nmahsus farkl\u0131 farkl\u0131 konularla ilgilidirler. P. Zieme taraf\u0131ndan bu t\u00fcr \u015fiirsel mahiyete sahip metinler terc\u00fcmeleriyle beraber ne\u015fredilmi\u015ftir. \u015eiirlerdeki konular \u00e7e\u015fitlidir. Bir \u00f6rnekte, rahip s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan olmayanlar sadaka vermeye te\u015fvik edilmekte, bir ba\u015fka \u00f6rnekte \u00f6l\u00fcm kavram\u0131 ele al\u0131nmakta, baz\u0131lar\u0131ndaysa Budist felsefeyi ilgilendiren meseleler vs. dile getirilmektedir.73<\/p>\n
\neserlerde g\u00f6r\u00fclen yayg\u0131n bir tarzd\u0131r. Ba\u011f\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131 m\u00fcritlerin (eserin yaz\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in katk\u0131 sa\u011flayan) sayesinde ge\u00e7erlilik kazanan bu uygulama, genel manada bir tip pop\u00fcler dindarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamaktad\u0131r. Teologlar taraf\u0131ndan ay\u0131rt edilen bu Budist folk inanc\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7indeki din\u00ee fikriyat irdelenebilir. Nirv\u0101na, tengri yiri (tanr\u0131lar\u0131n yeri), Amit\u0101bha\u2019n\u0131n Bat\u0131 Cenneti ve Maitreya ile Kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fma kabul edilen kurtulu\u015f imajlar\u0131d\u0131r. Bu imajlar serbest\u00e7e birbiriyle de\u011fi\u015ftirilebilir, biri di\u011ferinin yerine konulabilir.75 Kolofonlar\u0131n en \u00f6nemli \u00f6zelli\u011fi tabii ki onlar\u0131n kendi \u015fahsi karakterleri olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Kolofonlar, i\u00e7inde birey i\u00e7in genel \u00e7er\u00e7evede Budist fikriyat\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7eren anlamlar bulunan bir dinselli\u011fi yans\u0131t\u0131rlar.<\/p>\n
\nAuftreten der Turken\u201d, HO I, 5,5 (Leiden- K\u00f6ln, 1966), pp. 123-310.
\n2 Eski T\u00fcrklerin dinlerine bir bak\u0131\u015f of. A. von Gabain, \u201cInhalt und magische Bedeutung der
\naltt\u00fcrkischen Insehriften\u201d, Anthropos 48 (1953), pp. 537- 556; J.-P. Roux, \u201cLes religions dans les
\nsoci\u00e9t\u00e9s Turko-Mongoles\u201d, Revue de l\u2019histoire des reilgions CCI (1984), pp. 393-420; J.-P. Roux, La
\nreligion des Turcs el des Mongols. (Paris 1984). (Biblioth\u00e9que Historique, Collection d\u2019Histoire
\ndes Religions). J.-P. Roux, \u2018Turkic Religions\u2019, i\u00e7inde: The Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. M.
\nEliade. Vol. 15. (New York-London, 1987), pp. 87-94.
\n3 T. Tekin, A Grammar of Orkhon Turkic. (The Hague, 1968). (Indiana University Publications,
\nUralic and Altaic Series, yol. 69), p. 232 (T\u00fcrk\u00e7e metinler) and 263 (\u0130ngilizce terc\u00fcme). Eski
\nT\u00fcrk tarihi i\u00e7in cf. Spuler, op. cit, pp. 127ff. and K.-H. Golzio, Kings, Khans and other Rulers of
\nEarly Central Asia. (K\u00f6ln, 1984). (Arbeitsmaterialien zur Religionsgeschichte 11), pp. 60f.
\nBumin\u2019den \u00f6nceki d\u00f6rt h\u00fck\u00fcmdar\u0131n isimleri.<\/p>\n
\nGeburtstag gewidmet von seinen Freunden, Kollegen und Sch\u00fclern (Leipzig, 1954), p. 166.
\n5 Ibid.
\n6 A. von Gabain, op. cit.,( n. 4), p. 167. 18 Cf. Laut, op. cit., (n. 11). 65
\n7 B. Spuler, op. cit., p. 129.
\n8 A. von Gabain, op. cit., p. 162f.
\n9 A. von Gabain, op. cit., p. 163.<\/p>\n
\n11 A. von Gabain, op, cit., pp. 164f. Eski T\u00fcrk Budizmi\u2019nde So\u011fdlar\u0131n rol\u00fc – J.P. Laut, Derfr\u00fche
\nT\u00fcrkische Buddhismus und seine literarischen Denkm\u00e4ler. (Wiesbaden, 1986).
\n(Ver\u00f6ffentlichungen der Societas Uralo-Aitaica, Bd. 21), pp. 1ff.
\n12 A. von Gabain, op. cit., p. 165.<\/p>\n
\n14 T. Tekin, op. cit., pp. 216f ve 285. Cf. ayr\u0131ca Spuler, op. cit., pp. 139ff.
\n15 Uygurlar\u0131n y\u00fckseli\u015fi i\u00e7in cf .Spuler, op. cit, pp. 148ff.
\n16 Cf. S. N. C. Lieu, Manichaeism in the Later Roman Empire and Medieval China. A Historical Survey.
\n(Manchester, 1985), p. 193.<\/p>\n
\n(Helingfors, 1896). (Memoires de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 Finno-Ougrienne IX), p. 61. Cf p. 58: \u201cWiederholt
\nbedauerten wir dass ihr fr\u00fcher unwissend wart und die Geister G\u00f6tter [lit Buddhas] nanntet.\u201d
\n18 Cf. J. P. Laut, op. cit., (n. 11).
\n19 S. G. Klyashtorny ve V.A. Livsi\u00e7, \u201cThe Sogdian lnscription of Bugut Revised\u201d, AOH 26 (1972),
\npp. 69-102. Bu yaz\u0131t\u0131n \u00f6nemi i\u00e7in Laut, op. cit, pp. 3ff.
\n20 S. G. Klyashtorny \/ V. A. Livsi\u00e7, op. cit, p. 86.
\n21 E. G. Pulleyblank, \u201cA Sogdian Colony in Inner Mongolia\u201d, T\u2019oung Pao 41(1952), pp. 317-356.
\nCf. ayr\u0131ca S.G. Klyashtorny, \u201cSur les colonies sogdiennes de la Haute Asie\u201d, UAJb 33 (1961),
\npp. 95-97.
\n22 Cf. T. Tekin, op, cit., (n. 3), pp. 273 ve 275.
\n23 Liu, Mau-Tsai, Die chines\u0131schen Nachrichten zur Geschichte der Ost-T\u00fcrken (T\u2019u-k\u00fce). Vol.I.
\n(Wiesbaden, 1958). (G\u00f6ttinger Asiatisehe Forschungen, Bd. 10), p. 10.<\/p>\n
\n25 E. G. Pulleyblank, op. cit., pp. 317f.
\n26 Liu, op. cit., p. 87. 29 Laut, op. cit., pp. 9f.
\n27 Liu op. cit., p. 351; Spuler, op. cit., p. 149.
\n28 Cf. K. R\u00f6hrborn, \u201cZum Wanderweg des altindischen Lehngutes im Altt\u00fcrkischen\u201d, Studien zur
\nGeschichte und Kultur des Vorderen Orients. Festschrift f\u00fcr Bertold Spuler zum siebzigsten
\nGeburtstag (Leiden, 1981), pp. 337-343. Tabii ki T\u00fcrk Budist terminolojisine So\u011fd ve Tohar etkisinin yan\u0131nda Hint etkisi ve artan bir \u015fekilde \u00c7in etkisi de vard\u0131. Cf. K. R\u00f6hrborn, \u201cZur
\nTerminologie der buddbistischen Sekund\u00e4r-\u00dcberlieferung in Zentralasien\u201d, ZDMG 133 (1983),
\npp. 273-296; K. R\u00f6hrborn, \u201cZur Rezeption der chinesisch-buddhistischen Terminologie im
\nAltt\u00fcrkischen\u201d, WZKS XXX (1986), pp. 179-187.<\/p>\n
\n30 Cf. H.-J. Klimkeit, Die Begegnung von Christentum, Gnosis and Buddhismus an der Seidenstra\u0121e.
\n(Opladen, 1986). (Rheinisch-Westf. Akad. d. Wiss., Votr\u00e4ge (G 283). Maniheist metinler \u00fczerindeki Budizm tesiri i\u00e7in cf. H.-J. Klimkeit, \u201cBuddhistische Ubernahmen im iranischen und
\nturkischen Manichaismus\u201d, W. Heissig ve H.- J. Klimkeit (ed.), Synkretismus in den Religionen
\nZentralasiens. (Wiesbaden, 1987), pp. 58-75.
\n31 Cf. Referanslar i\u00e7in Klimkeit, op. cit., (n. 30), (1986), pp. 46ff.
\n32 Cf. UigWb, s.v. ar\u0131g. Prof. Schmithausen, beni bu Hint teriminden haberdar etti. \u201car\u0131\u0121 nom\u201d
\nterimi Psalmlar\u0131 an\u0131msatmaktad\u0131r: Ps. 12,7\u2019de Luther\u2019in terc\u00fcmesinde, \u201cDie Worte des Herrn
\nsind lauter wie Silber\u201d (The English Revised Standard Version\u2019da (Ps. 12,6), \u201cThe promises of
\nthe Lord are promises that are pure…\u201d). Cf. alsa Ps. 18,31 Luther\u2019e g\u00f6re, \u201cdie Worte des Herrn
\nsind durchliutert\u201d. (Revised Standard Version (18,31):\u201d… the promise of the Lord proves
\ntrue\u201d).
\n33 W.Bang, A. von Gabain ve G. R. Rachmati, \u201cT\u00fcrkische Turfantexte VI: Das buddhistische Sutra
\nS\u00e4kiz y\u00fckm\u00e4k\u201d. (Berlin, 1934). (SPAW 1934), pp. 93-192. Cf. pp. 125f.
\n34 Cf. J. P. Laut, op. cit., p. 11.
\n35 D. Maue ve K. R\u00f6hrborn, \u201cZur altt\u00fcrkischen Version des Saddharmapundarika-Sutra\u201d, CAJ24
\n(1980), pp. 251-273.<\/p>\n
\nou\u0121goures de Touen-Houang. (Paris, 1971). (Mission Paul Pelliot, Documents conserv\u00e9s \u00e1 la
\nBiblioth\u00e8que Nationale 3).
\n37 F. W. K. M\u00fcller, Uigurica II (Berlin, 191\u0131). (APAW 1910, Nr. ), pp. 4-7; J. P, Laut, \u201cEin
\nBruchst\u00fcck einer altt\u00fcrkischen Buddhabiographie, UAJb, N.F. 3(1983), pp, 38-101.
\n38 D.Maue ve K, Rohrborn, \u201cEin \u2018buddhistischer Katechismus\u2019 in altt\u00fcrkischer Sprache end
\ntibetischer Schrift\u2019. Teil 1: ZDMG 134 (194), pp, 286- 313; Ted II: ZDMG 135 (1985), pp 68-91.
\n39 W. Bang, A. von Gabain, G. R. Rachmati, op. cit., (no. 33).
\n40 \u015e. Tekin, Maitrisimit nom bitig. Die uigurische \u00dcbersetzung eines Werkes der buddhistischen
\nVaibh\u0101\u015fika-Schule. 2. Vols. (Berlin, 1980) (Berliner Turfantexte IX); Geng Shimin ve H-J.
\nKlimkeit, H. Eimer ve J. P. Laut\u2019un katk\u0131lar\u0131yla, Das Zusammentreffen mit Maitreya. Die ersten
\nf\u00fcnf Kapitel der Hami-Version der Maitrisimit. (Wiebaden, 1988). (Asiatische Forschungen 103)
\nCf. ayr\u0131ca: Geng Shimin\/H.-J. Klimkeit\/J. P. Laut, \u201c \u2018Der Herabstieg des Bodhisattva Maitreya
\nvom Tusita-G\u00f6tterland zur Erde.\u2019 Das 10. Kapitel der Hami-Handschrift der Maitrisimit\u201d, i\u00e7inde: AoF 14 (1987), pp. 350-376; Geng\/Klimkeit\/Laut, \u201c \u2018Das Erscheinen des Bodhisattva.\u2019 Das
\n11. Kapitel der Hami-Handschrilt der Maitrisimit\u2019, i\u00e7inde: AoF 15 (1988), pp. 315-366.
\n41 \u015e. Tekin, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 7.<\/p>\n
\n43 Cf. P. Zieme, \u201cSingqu S\u00e4li Tutung – \u00dcbersetzer buddhistischer Schriften ins Uigurische\u201d,
\nTractata Altaica. Denir Sinor sexagenario … dedicata. Ed. W. Heissig et al. (Wiesbaden, 1976), pp.
\n767-773. Cf ayr\u0131ca: P. Zieme, \u201cXuangzangs Biographie und das Xiyuji in altt\u00fcrkischer
\n\u00dcberlieferung\u201d, i\u00e7inde: J. P. Laut ve K. R\u00f6hrborn (edd.), Buddhistische Erz\u00e4hlliteratur und
\nHagiographie in t\u00fckischer \u00dcberlieferung. Wiesbaden 1990. (Ver\u00f6ffentlichungen der Societas
\nUralo-Altaica, Vol. 27), pp. 75-107.
\n44 Temel olarak Y\u00fcan zaman\u0131nda \u00e7evrilen Tantrik metinlerle ilgilidir. G. Kara ve P. Zieme,
\nFragmente tantrischer Werke in uigurischer Ubersetzung. (Berlin, 1976). (Berliner Turfantexte VII).
\nBununla beraber baz\u0131 Mah\u0101y\u0101na metinleri erken devir Tibet\u00e7eden \u00e7evrilmi\u015ftir. \u00d6rne\u011fin,
\n\u201cAltun Yaruq Sutra\u201d. Cf. von Gabain, op. cit,, (n. 4), p. 171.
\n45 O. Franke, Eine chinesische Tempelinschrift aud Idiqut\u015fahri bei Turfan. (Turkistan). (Berlin, 1907).
\n(APAW 1907, Anhang: Abhandlungen nicht zur Akademie geh\u00f6riger Gelehrter:
\nPhilosophische und historische Abhandlungen), pp. 1-92.
\n46 A. von Gabain, op. cit., (n. 4), pp. 169ff.
\n47 Cf. M.A. Stein, Innermost Asia. Vol. II. (Oxford, 1926, repr. Delhi, 1981), pp. 582ff.<\/p>\n
\n(Fondation Singer-Polignac), pp. ix-xxiii.
\n49 W. Scharlipp, \u201cKurzer \u00dcberblick \u00fcber die buddhistische Literatur der T\u00fcrken\u201d, Materiallia
\nTurcica 6 (1980), pp. 37-53; cf. A. von Gabain taraf\u0131ndan yap\u0131lan di\u011fer ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar: \u201cDer
\nBuddhismus in Zentralasien\u201d, HO 1,8,2 (Leiden-K\u00f6ln, 1961), pp. 496-514; Zentralasiatische
\nt\u00fcrkische Literaturen I: Nichtislamische altt\u00fcrkische Literatur\u201d, HO 1,5,1 (Leiden-K\u00f6In, 1963),
\npp. 207-228 (repr. Leiden-K\u00f6ln, 1982, pp. 207-228 ilavesiyle beraber pp. 469-471); \u201cDie
\naltt\u00fcrkische Literatur\u201d, Philologiae Turcicae Fundamenta II, ed. P. N. Boratav. (Wiesbaden, 1964),
\npp. 211-243.
\n50 Cf. Bibliyografyalar i\u00e7in: P. Zieme, Buddhistische Stabreimdichtungen der Uiguren. (Berlin, 1985).
\n(Berliner Turfantexte XIII), p. 14-21, Laut, op. cit.,, (n. 11), pp. 213-228, UigWb.
\n51 A. von Gabain, op. cit., (n. 49), (1963), p. 221.<\/p>\n
\n53 W. Radloff ve S. E. Malov, Suvarnaprabh\u0101sa (St. Petersburg, 1913-1917). (Bibliotheca Buddhica
\n17). Almanca terc\u00fcmesi (14. b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn ba\u015f\u0131na kadar): W. Radloff, Suvarnaprabh\u0101sa (Das
\nGo!dglanz-Sutra), ed. S. Malov. (Leningrad, 1930). (Bibliotheca Buddhica 27). Cf. ayr\u0131ca K.
\nKudara ve K. R\u00f6hrborn, \u201cZwei verirrte Bl\u00e4ttter des uigurischen Goldglanz-S\u00fctras im
\nEtnografiska Museum, Stockholm\u201d, ZDMG 132 (1982), pp. 336-347.
\n54 Cf. A. von Gabain, \u201cDie altt\u00fcrkische Literatur\u201d, Philolagiae Turcica Fundamenta II, ed. L. Bazin et
\nal. Wiesbaden 1964 (211- 243), pp. 225f.; P. Zieme, Die Stabreimtexte der Uiguren von Turfan
\nund Dunhuang. Studien zur altt\u00fcrkischen Dichtung. [\u201cDissertation\u201d, i.e. Habilitationsschrift
\nBerlin 1983], Bask\u0131da (1990), Ch. I B 14 (MS p. 36).
\n55 Cf. J. Nobel, Suvarnapr\u0101bh\u0101sottama-S\u016btra. Das Galdglanz-S\u016btra … Vol. 1. (Leiden, 1958), p.
\nxxxiv.
\n56 H.-J. Klimkeit, \u201cBuddha als Vater\u201d, Fern\u00f6stliche Weisheit und christlicher Glaube. Festgabe f\u00fcr
\nHeinrich Dumoulin SJ zur Vollendung des 80. Lebensjahres. (Mainz, 1985), pp. 240ff.<\/p>\n
\n58 Scharlipp, op. cit., p.46.
\n59 A. Temir, K. Kudara ve K. R\u00f6hrborn, \u201cDie altt\u00fcrkischen Abitaki-Fragmente des Etnografya
\nM\u00fczesi, Ankara\u201d, Turcica XVI (1984), pp. 13-28. O. Sertkaya ve K. R\u00f6hrborn, \u201cBruchst\u00fccke der
\naltt\u00fcrkischen Amit\u0101bha-Literatur aus Istanbul\u201d, UAJb N.F. 4 (1984), pp. 97-117.
\n60 G. Hazai, \u201cFragmente eines uigurischen Blockdruck-Faltbuches\u201d, AoF III (1975), pp. 91-108.
\n61 W. Bang ve A. von Gabain, \u201cT\u00fcrkische Turfan-Texte V. Ans buddhistischen Schriften\u201d. (Berlin,
\n1931). (SPAW 193\u0131), pp. 340-356 (Text B).
\n62 G. Kara ve P. Zieme, op. cit., (n. 44).<\/p>\n
\n64 S. Tezcan, Das uigurische Insadi-S\u016btra. (Berlin, 1974). (Berliner Turfantexte III).
\n65 A. von Gabain, op. cit., (n. 49), (1964), pp. 225-227.
\n66 Cf. Yukar\u0131da at\u0131f yap\u0131lan bibliyografya ile ilgilidir (n. 50), bunlardan ba\u015fka, J.P. Laut and K.
\nR\u00f6hrborn, Der t\u00fcrkische Buddhismus in der japanischen Forschung (Wiesbaden, 1988).
\n(Ver\u00f6ffentlichungen der Societas Uralo-.Altaica, Bd. 23), bu eserde R\u00f6hrborn, Japonya\u2019da T\u00fcrk
\nBudizmi \u00fczerine yap\u0131lan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar hakk\u0131nda bir ara\u015ft\u0131rma yay\u0131nlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
\n67 A. von Gabain, op. cit., (n. 49), (1964), pp. 221-228.
\n68 Cf. A. von Gabain, op. cit., (n. 49), (1964), pp. 227-228.
\n69 K. R\u00f6hrborn, Eine uigurische Totenmesse. (Berlin, 1971). (Berliner Turfantexte II); I. Warnke, Eine
\nbuddhistische Lehrschrift \u00fcber das Bekennen der S\u00fcnden (Bas\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f tez, Berlin (GDR), 1978).<\/p>\n
\nzur Beziehung zwischen Gnosis und Mah\u0101y\u0101na \u201d, ZRGG 29 (1977), pp. 193-228.
\n71 P. Zieme op. cit., (n. 50); P. Zieme, Die Stabreimtexte der Uiguren von Turfan und Dunhuang.
\nStudien zur altt\u00fcrkischen Dichtung. Gelecek Budal\u0131\u011f\u0131 vadeden \u201cvy\u0101karana-\u015fiirleri\u201d olarak bilinen \u015fiirler, Budist Uygur edebiyat\u0131na aittir. Cf. J. P Laut\/P. Zieme, \u201cEin zweisprachiger
\nLobpreis auf den B\u00e4g von Ko\u00e7o and seine Gemahlin\u201d, i\u00e7inde: J. P. Laut and K. R\u00f6hrborn (edd.),
\nBuddhistische Erzdhlliteratur und Hagiographie in t\u00fcrkischer \u00dcberlieferung, Wiesbaden 1990, pp.
\n15-36.
\n72 P. Zieme, op. cit., (n. 50), pp. 86ff.<\/p>\n
\n74 P. Zieme, op. cit., n. 50), pp. 155ff.
\n75 H-J. Klimkeit, \u201cDer Stifter im Lande der Seidenstra\u03b2en. Bemerkungen zur buddhistischen
\nLaienfr\u00f6mmigkeit\u201d, ZRGG 35 (1983), pp. 289-308.
\n76 \u00d6rne\u011fin, Buda\u2019n\u0131n hayat\u0131 \u00fczerine m\u00fclahazalar, rahibe yeti\u015ftiren kurumlar\u0131n tertibi vs. T\u00fcrk
\nBudizmi\u2019ne has bir tavra i\u015faret etmektedir. Cf. H-J. Klimkeit, Der Buddha. Leben und Lehre.
\nStuttgart 1990, pp. 55f., 77, 83f.; J. P. Laut, \u201cDie Gr\u00fcndung des buddbistischen Nonnenordens
\nin der altt\u00fcrkischen \u00dcberlieferung\u201d, bask\u0131da (1990).<\/p>\n